Boko Haram et procès Gbagbo

Jean-Marc Soboth nous parle des attentats de Boko Haram au Cameroun et du procès Gbagbo.


Élections en Côte-d’ivoire

Jean-Marc Soboth nous parle des élections en Côte-d’Ivoire.

Tour d’actualité: Nigéria, Burkina, Côte d’Ivoire

Notre chroniqueur Jean-Marc Soboth sur les implications et les enjeux autour du nouveau président du Nigéria, la situation pré-électorale au Burkina et en Côte-D’Ivoire.

Controverse autour du film “Laurent Gbagbo : despote ou anticolonialiste”

Le film “Laurent Gbagbo: despote ou anticolonialiste” de Saïd Penda a été présenté récemment dans le cadre du Festival international Vues d’Afrique à Montréal.

Causant toute une controverse là où il a été présenté, et même banni au Cameroun, l’équipe d’Amandla se penche sur le film-documentaire.

Mélanie Lamonde s’entretient notamment avec le réalisateur, puis nous entendons les réactions de Jean-Marc Soboth et Jean-Hilaire Yapi, président du Congrès ivoirien du Canada.

La transition électorale en Côte d’Ivoire et l’affaire Thomas Lubanga

Amzat Boukari Yabara revient sur la fin de la transition électorale en Côte d’Ivoire marquée par l’élection de l’ancien Premier ministre Guillaume Soro à la présidence de l’Assemblée Nationale, et sur le jugement rendu par la CPI dans l’affaire Thomas Lubanga.

Venant d’Afrique: une table-ronde sur l’actualité africaine

Discussions sur l’actualité africaine, animé par Venant Mboua. Thèmes abordées dans cette émission: la Cour pénale internationale, la situation en Côte d’Ivoire, les élections en RDC, la Libye, le Cameroun, etc.

Entre autres invités: Patrick Mbeko, Joneed Khan.

Durée: 2h

Site Web de l’émission AlloAfrika

Show for 12 May 2011: Analyse Côte d’Ivoire, Vues d’Afrique, Mining in Africa

La situation en Côte d’ivoire: Aziz Fall interroge Bernard Desgagnés de et Jean Hilaire Yapi, Président du Collectif des ivoiriens de Montréal

A look back at Vues d’Afrique, african film festival

A look back at the mining conference organised my the Great Lakes consultation group (

The archive for the entire show is found at

Émission Amandla du 1er août 2007/ Amandla show from August 1st 2007

Voici les thèmes qui ont été abordés pendant l’émission Amandla du 1er août 2007 sur les ondes de CKUT 90.3FM (Montréal). Vous pouvez la télécharger ici (lien valide pour deux mois seulement).

Émission entièrement en anglais.

Commentaires sur la revue de la BBC: “Focus on Africa” de juillet-septembre. Commentaires qui incluent l’opinion de Kenneth Kaunda, ancien président de Zambie, sur Mugabe. Aussi, la géopolitique de le Corne de l’Afrique.

Commentaires sur le journal sud-africain: Mail and Guardian: “Sudan looks south for peace”. Voir l’article en anglais, plus bas.

Commentaires sur l’article de le BBC: “Enjoying beers in the Algeria woods”. Voir l’article en anglais plus bas.

Les parlementaires Kenyan se donnent des salaires trop élevés. Commentaires sur le fait que les parlementaires Kenyan s’octroient un salaire de 91000 dollars US par ans!

Côte d’Ivoire: Laurent Gbagbo se rend à Bouaké . Commentaires.

Autres nouvelles de la Corne de l’Afrique.

Autres Nouvelles.


Here are the subjects that were addressed in the August 1st 2007 Amandla radio show on CKUT 90.3 FM (Montreal). You can download the show here (link valid for two months only).

Show entirely in english.

Commentaries on the BBC’s Focus on Africa magazine, july-september edition. Comments on the magazine that incudes views on Mugabe’s regime by former Zambia president, Kenneth Kaunda etc. Also, geopolitics in the Horn of Africa…

Commentaries on the South African newspaper: Mail and Guardian: “Sudan looks south for peace”. Here is the article (you can then listen to Doug’s comments on air):

Sudan looks south for peace
Jean-Jacques Cornish
31 July 2007 10:38
Said Alkhateeb, manager of the Strategic Studies Centre in Khartoum and a former general secretary of foreign relations for the ruling Sudanese National Congress party, travelled to Pretoria recently. Alkhateeb, who played a major role in negotiating the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) that ended the civil war between northern and southern Sudan, spoke to the Mail & Guardian about South Africa as a possible host and mediator in new talks between the Sudanese government and those Darfur rebel groups that refused to sign the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) last year.

Has the South African government been asked to host and mediate the talks?
Informally, it has been approached, and a formal request will soon be made. The South African government knows the government of Sudan will welcome more involvement in monitoring the CPA and reviving the talks for Darfur.

Now that you are ac­cepting a hybrid force of African peacekeepers for Darfur financed and logistically supported by the United Nations, is every­thing up for grabs?
No, everything is not up for grabs. We will not be renegotiating the DPA. We have the building blocks for a more inclusive deal, but we do not want to alienate anyone who has already signed. We want to augment and add to the DPA, not replace it. Important points have been reached regarding personal compensation and control of the region. Most of the discontent in Darfur revolves around these two issues.

The Sudanese government has allowed UN troops to be deployed to monitor the CPA but has until recently refused to allow the deployment of UN troops in Darfur. Why?
The CPA is an agreement between two parties and they agreed to bring the UN in to deal particularly with the military and security arrangements. The mandate is very clear, and it was agreed before the parties put their signatures to the CPA. What the government of Sudan agreed to with the DPA is having AU peacekeeping forces. The US and the EU, who were there as facilitators, know this well. The government of Sudan sees no reason why this should change, because that would change the DPA itself. If people believe the AU cannot fulfil this role, they should gather around the table and change the agreement.

The UN Security Council envisages a peacekeeping force for Darfur of about 20 000. But it is clear that, at best, Africa can provide no more than 10 000 troops. Would you look favourably at a hybrid force in which the remainder are composed of troops from countries suitable to you?
The general agreement is that unless we cannot find peacekeeping personnel from within the AU we will not go elsewhere. We fully accept a hybrid force supervised by the AU and the UN. The peacekeeping troops will come from Africa. If practical considerations dictate it, the government of Sudan has indicated it will look elsewhere to solve the problem. If the political track moves quickly the whole process will be accelerated. The need for bringing in vast numbers of new forces will dwindle by the day. Provided a political solution is found, we will not need all that many people in Darfur.

When would the Sudanese government like to see the hybrid force on the ground?
Emotions regarding Sudanese sovereignty are still very strong. Politics generally are delaying things. The Sudanese government agreed to a hybrid force last September. Delays have been caused by misinterpretations of what exactly was agreed to. There is also uncertainty in the UN about funding something that is not entirely a UN operation. This all seems to have been cleared up now. The wheels can start turning. Timing is everything in matters like this. It is best for all involved that we proceed quickly

Comments on the BBC’s: “Enjoying beers in the Algeria woods”. Here is the article (you can then listen to Doug’s comments on air):

By Mary Harper
BBC News, Algiers
Kamal “Van Damme” has long dark hair, wild black eyes and a bare chest. He lives alone in the woods, high up in the Berber mountains of Algeria’s Kabylie region.

In an area occupied by armed Islamists, he runs a bar, selling cold beer to his customers.

Nicknamed after the Hollywood strongman, Jean-Claude Van Damme, Kamal has carved ingenious clearings out of the mountainside, each one almost completely hidden by thick bushes on all sides.

Into each clearing, he has put a rickety table and a few chairs, so that people can sit and drink in the middle of nature.

For the more adventurous, he has even constructed a platform at the top of a tree.

When I visited Kamal Van Damme’s bar, there were men lolling around in various stages of inebriation, green beer bottles scattered all over the place.

The atmosphere was completely relaxed.

“We’re drinking beer under the very beards of the Islamists,” one man joked.


I found it impossible to believe that we really were drinking “under the beards of the Islamists” until a couple of days later, when a military patrol was ambushed in full daylight just 400m away from the bar.

One soldier was killed and two others badly injured in the attack, blamed on Islamists hiding in the nearby forest.

Eyewitnesses reported that Kamal continued to serve beer during the attack, although most of his clients ran away as soon as they heard the gunshots and other explosions.

Bizarrely, it is in the land of the beer-drinking Berbers that Algeria’s Islamist insurgency is most active.

Attacks are frequent and principally directed at the military.

Recent incidents include the suicide bombing of an army barracks in Lakhdaria that killed more than 10 people and a midnight ambush on military positions in Yakouren.

In the first attack on civilians for some time, a bomb was thrown into an amusement arcade in Barika, leaving two children dead and several others with horrific injuries.


Parts of the Kabylie resemble a war zone. Near Yakouren, I saw convoys of military vehicles thundering by as columns of nervous-looking soldiers marched up into the mountains to hunt down the perpetrators of the recent attack.

Helicopters clattered above, strafing the mountainsides.

Forest fires, started by the military, engulfed the hills, consuming not only the hideouts of the militants but also the ancient olive trees belonging to the local population.

The Berbers have little sympathy for the Islamists, but they dislike the army even more.

One man, a beekeeper, explained how all of his beehives had been destroyed in one of the fires started by the army.

“When I asked the soldiers why they had burned my beehives, they said they would not have done so if I had told them where the militants were hiding,” he said.

“How can the army ask for my help when they have destroyed my livelihood?”

And the authorities are indeed asking the population for their help in fighting the insurgency, with daily television appeals requesting information about “the terrorists”.

Insecurity has been increasing in Algeria, and across North Africa, since the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC) re-launched itself as al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb at the beginning of this year.

Algeria’s Islamists have changed their tactics since joining the al-Qaeda franchise.

There are more suicide bombings, complete with slick internet videos of the young men who were prepared to die for their faith.

Co-ordinated attacks, such as the seven bombs that went off almost simultaneously in seven different locations in February, also bear the hallmarks of al-Qaeda.

Despite the upsurge of Islamist activity, the government insists that what Algerians describe as “The Time of Terror” of the 1990s and early 2000s is now over.

“The Algerian government has perfect control over the security situation and terrorism is on the verge of being eradicated,” says Prime Minister Abdelaziz Belkhadem.


The reality on the ground, especially in the eastern Kabylie region, contradicts the prime minister’s statement.

Even in areas where security has returned, the population is traumatised.

Algeria’s most fertile region, the Mitidja valley, is like a land of ghosts with memories of the horrific massacres hanging like a dark cloud over the area.

People have still not returned to their hillside villages, preferring to stay in the towns by night, and working in their fields by day.

In other areas, such as Medea to the south of Algiers, people are starting to relax and enjoy themselves.

I visited this region during the weekend, and saw people swimming in the rivers, feeding monkeys and eating freshly roasted meat in restaurants that have only just re-opened after being burned down by the Islamists.

But none of this would be possible without the presence of the army.

Medea is the most heavily militarised zone in the country, and it is swarming with soldiers.

The horizon is dotted with sentry boxes and watchtowers, heavily armed soldiers crouch behind sandbags, hide behind trees and perch on rocks.

The place where life really does seem to be returning to normal is the capital city.

Algiers feels like a different country, with a cosmopolitan atmosphere and the hustle and bustle of a fully functioning city.

But step outside the beautiful capital, with its white buildings crowded on hillsides overlooking the bay, and “The Time of Terror” is very much alive.

Either as fresh and bloody memories in people’s minds or as the ongoing insurgency led by militants intent on establishing an Islamic republic in Algeria.

Kenyan MPs give themselves high salaries. Comment on the fact that MPs in Kenya will have a salary reaching 91000 $US per year!

Cote d’Ivoire: Laurent Gbagbo goes to Bouake. Comments.

Other news from the Horn of Africa.

Other news.

Ce pétrole qui a sauvé l’économie ivoirienne/ The oil that saved Cote d’Ivoire’s economy

(Links in french/ liens en français)

Cote d’Ivoire is celebrating a peaceful reunification. But we can wonder how come the economic situation of the country, after its division in 2002, wasn’t as bad as everyone predicted. According to Fraternité Matin, the country’s economy (at least the government’s oil revenues) was saved by a booming in oil production.

Alors que la Cote d’Ivoire célèbre officiellement sa réunification pacifique, on se rend compte que la situation économique du pays, suite à la division du territoire en 2002, n’a pas été aussi critique pour un pays ayant sombré dans la guerre civile. Selon Fraternité Matin, c’est le pétrole qui a sauvé l’économie ivoirienne (ou du moins, a permis au gouvernement une entrée suffisante d’argent pour passer à travers la crise):

Dernière mise à jour : 13 Jul 2007 – 16:33 GMT

Pendant de nombreuses années, l’économie ivoirienne s’est reposée essentiellement sur le binôme café-Cacao. Pour le cacao par exemple, la Côte d’Ivoire demeure jusqu’à ce jour, premier producteur et exportateur mondial avec environ 1,2 million de tonne en 2006. Mais depuis la partition du pays en 2002 suite à une rébellion armée, une bonne partie de cette production échappe au contrôle gouvernemental.

Comment donc la Côte d’Ivoire, naguère poids lourd économique de l’Afrique de l’ouest francophone, a-t-elle pu survivre ces dernières années ? Pour beaucoup d’économistes, notre pays a pu résister grâce à la montée en puissance de sa production de pétrole, devenue premier poste d’exportation devant le cacao.

En effet, selon des sources crédibles au niveau du secteur ivoirien des hydrocarbures, la Côte d’Ivoire a affiché en 2006 un taux de croissance de 1,8%, stable par rapport à 2005, et qui pourrait atteindre 2% en 2007. Du moins si l’on s’en réfère au dernier rapport de la Banque centrale des Etats d’Afrique de l’ouest (BCEAO), basée à Dakar.

Ces chiffres confirment la “légère reprise” amorcée à partir de 2004, après plusieurs années d’instabilité politique et de croissance négative (-0,4% en moyenne sur 2000-2005), note la BCEAO dans ses “Perspectives économiques des Etats de l’Union économique et monétaire d’Afrique de l’ouest (UEMOA) en 2007”.

“Le secteur secondaire est l’unique source” de cette croissance en 2006, souligne encore ledit rapport, grâce notamment à “une production de pétrole brut qui s’est accrue de 71% en un an, faisant de ce sous-secteur, l’une des principales locomotives de l’économie”.
Cette production réputée de très bonne qualité, d’où sa valeur importante sur le marché mondial, “est en grande partie exportée”, ajoute le rapport.

En 2002, le pays, qui a commencé à produire du pétrole en 1980, est devenu le seul Etat de l’UEMOA “exportateur net de produits pétroliers”.

En juillet 2005, la production était toutefois, avec 21.000 b/j, encore inférieure à ses niveaux atteints en 1986 (28.000 b/j), rappelle-t-il.

Elle a explosé en 2006 avec la découverte de nouveaux gisements, atteignant “80.000 b/j à la fin mars”, et des exportations de produits pétroliers qui auraient progressé de 43%, à 1.515 milliards de FCFA (2,3 milliards d’euros).

Polémique autour de la manne pétrolière

En dépit de ces perspectives prometteuses, le gouvernement ivoirien a plutôt le triomphe modeste. Au demeurant, il affiche une certaine discrétion sur les chiffres dans ce secteur.

“Le pétrole ne nous donne pas encore la manne financière qu’on croit avoir. Nous sommes à un niveau moyen de production de 40.000 à 50.000 barils/jour”, déclarait à Abidjan fin mai 2007, le ministre de l’économie et des Finances, Charles Diby Koffi.

Cependant à Abidjan, nombre d’observateurs estiment de leur côté, la production ivoirienne actuelle à au moins 80.000 b/j, en soulignant toutefois que des problèmes techniques (ensablement des puits notamment) limitent son expansion.

La modestie des chiffres gouvernementaux, également de mise en ce qui concerne la croissance (1,8% en 2005, 1,2% en 2006, 1,5% prévu en 2007) nourrit les polémiques sur l’opacité de la gestion des revenus pétroliers.

“Avec la mévente du cacao, des observateurs des performances économistes de la Côte d’Ivoire se posent alors des questions sur l’origine des ressources qui alimentent les caisses de l’Etat?”. Aussi, des voix se lèvent- elles pour réclamer un audit pour “savoir à quoi sert” l’argent du pétrole.

En mai, le gouvernement ivoirien a annoncé le lancement d’un audit de son secteur pétrolier pour répondre à ces soupçons. La Banque mondiale a également annoncé en février le lancement d’un audit sur le sujet. “Le développement du secteur de l’extraction pétrolière constitue une opportunité pour le pays”, estime la BCEAO, tout en jugeant “primordial” l’amélioration de son “cadre de gestion et de contrôle” pour qu’il puisse servir pleinement de levier à la relance de la croissance” de la Côte d’Ivoire.

Eric Dro

  • Note: L’article indique que le gouvernement de Côte d’Ivoire a perdu une bonne partie de ses revenus provenant de l’industrie du cacao. Il faut savoir qu’en 1999, peu de temps avant la partition du pays, le gouvernement souffrait déjà de la privatisation de ce secteur qui avait été dictée par la Banque mondiale et le FMI. Le tout jumelé à une chute du prix mondial du cacao.